From programme launches to power calculations
The opening phase allowed the main political forces to establish their narratives: record and continuity for parties in government; social rupture and criticism of government performance for the opposition. Between 14 and 19 September, a second campaign emerged. Parties are no longer merely arguing that they have the best platform. They are beginning to explain why they should lead the next government, with which partners and on what claim to legitimacy.
This shift is particularly visible within the Authenticity and Modernity Party. Speaking in Tangier on 16 September, Younes Sekkouri said the PAM intended to lead the next executive, citing the quality of its candidates, its programme and the experience acquired in government. The argument is politically effective: claim a share of the outgoing coalition’s achievements while promising a different method. Yet it also exposes the party to a fundamental question. How can it advocate a profound change after participating in the majority whose performance is now under examination?
Social promises take centre stage — financing does not
The PAM has placed several readily understandable pledges at the heart of the debate: increasing direct social assistance from 500 to 1,000 dirhams, revising the socio-economic index used by the Unified Social Registry and raising the minimum pension to 3,000 dirhams by 2031. In the Oriental region, Fouzi Lekjaa supplemented this message with promises of more direct agricultural support, better rural access to healthcare and schools, and narrower territorial disparities. His tour from Bouarfa to Berkane also illustrates how the national campaign is being localised around political figures with strong regional roots.
These announcements give the debate a substantive social dimension, but they cannot be judged solely by their electoral appeal. According to figures carried in the press, the PAM values its five-year plan at 350 billion dirhams. It still needs to clarify the trade-offs, eligible beneficiaries, timetable and sustainable sources of funding. The point is not to dismiss social ambition. It is to distinguish a credible budgetary priority from an attractive campaign promise whose implementation conditions remain unresolved.
The PPS draws an early post-election red line
The Party of Progress and Socialism has moved the conversation toward coalition politics. Nabil Benabdallah said the PPS would not envisage joining an RNI-led coalition if Aziz Akhannouch’s party finished first. At the same time, he set a target of about 50 parliamentary seats and defended a programme that the party prices at 570 billion dirhams, including a stated ambition to create one million jobs. Those are PPS figures and should be tested against expected revenue, delivery schedules and the actual authority of the next government.
The clarification matters because it gives voters an indication of how their ballot might be used after election day — an issue often obscured by personality-driven campaigning. It also places pressure on other parties, including the RNI, Istiqlal, USFP, PJD and Popular Movement, to explain their own red lines. A parliamentary election does not directly select a complete cabinet. It produces a House of Representatives from which a governing majority must emerge. Credibility will therefore depend on whether post-election coalitions remain consistent with the criticism and commitments expressed during the campaign.
A territorial and increasingly digital contest
Four days before polling, the campaign is simultaneously national, local and digital. Priorities vary across the country: jobs and urban infrastructure, rural connectivity, farming, healthcare, schools and regulated local economies. This diversity can improve democratic debate when it exposes concrete needs. It becomes less convincing when a candidate’s celebrity substitutes for an explanation of policy, or when local promises exceed what a member of Parliament can legally deliver.
Social platforms magnify this personalisation. Morocco has more than 41 million internet subscriptions and roughly 38 million mobile internet connections, according to figures cited in a campaign commentary. Short videos and meeting extracts now occupy a central place. They allow young voters and the diaspora to follow the race without attending physical rallies. They also encourage clipped statements, personal accusations and confusion between digital reach and electoral support.
MMNEWS will therefore maintain a strict editorial rule: no viral clip will be treated as standalone proof. We will verify its date, context, complete sequence and any response from the person concerned. Competitive politics may be vigorous, but it does not justify defamation or the transformation of an unverified allegation into an established political fact.
Public spending and the boundary between office and campaign
The election also raises questions about the separation of public action from partisan promotion. A press review citing the daily Assabah reported increased scrutiny by Treasury services of certain local expenditures during the campaign, particularly when local officeholders are themselves candidates or active supporters. The report still requires full institutional confirmation, but the underlying principle is indispensable: public projects, administrative resources and municipal budgets must not become campaign instruments.
The government has also asked public and private employers to facilitate voting by workers and civil servants on Wednesday, 23 September, while maintaining essential services. This practical measure could remove a genuine barrier to participation, but its impact will depend on whether administrations and employers apply it effectively.
Diaspora voters: administratively included, politically underrepresented
For Moroccans residing abroad, the concrete voting mechanism remains proxy voting. The official online platform allows an overseas voter to enter the details of both principal and proxy, validate the document and send it to a registered voter in Morocco. One domestic voter may hold only one diaspora proxy. The service simplifies an existing procedure, but it is neither direct voting from abroad nor dedicated parliamentary representation.
In the public announcements reviewed since our 13 September update, MMNEWS has not identified a new operational diaspora measure precise enough to change our party programme scores. Several political formations continue to praise diaspora expertise, investment and political participation. Few specify the timetable, legal instrument, budget or implementing authority. Moroccans abroad remain highly visible as a symbol and as a digital audience, but insufficiently recognised as citizens whose rights, services and obligations require clear policy mechanisms.
This silence is especially striking because the campaign’s digitalisation makes the diaspora more connected to national political debate than ever. A speech in Tangier, Berkane or Casablanca can circulate in Brussels, Montreal or Dubai within minutes. Yet greater exposure is not the same as greater political agency. Parties asking MRE communities to promote Morocco, invest and transfer skills must also explain how those citizens will participate in decision-making and access public services without disproportionate administrative burdens.
The final four days will be decisive
The campaign is entering its most revealing and risky phase. Parties must resist the temptation to multiply large figures without demonstrating their assumptions. They need to clarify potential alliances and show how flagship measures would be funded. Voters, meanwhile, must distinguish between the role of a legislator — lawmaking and government oversight — and promises that fall under a municipality, a ministry or an independent authority.
The decisive test is not the size of the last rally, but the quality of the contract offered to citizens. MMNEWS will monitor final announcements, corrections, documented incidents and commitments to the diaspora until the official close of campaigning. After the vote, we will compare the results with the programmes and the coalitions that are actually formed. A serious election campaign does not end when ballots are counted; that is when its promises begin to be audited.
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