There will be no direct online voting from Paris, Brussels, Montreal or Amsterdam. Nor does the current system turn Moroccan consulates into polling stations for the legislative election. This distinction may sound technical, but it says a great deal about the political place of the Moroccan diaspora. The reform is real. But it is also limited.
A genuine reform that stops short of direct voting
Morocco’s House of Representatives has 395 members, elected under the national electoral framework. Moroccans living abroad are not excluded from the electorate. On the contrary, the Constitution recognises their full citizenship rights, including the right to vote and to stand for election. The practical difficulty has always been elsewhere. A Moroccan living in Casablanca can go to a polling station personally.
A Moroccan living in Brussels or Montreal, if they remain abroad on election day, cannot do the same. The 2026 reform changes the way that person can appoint someone to vote on their behalf. It does not change the fact that the physical act of voting still takes place in Morocco.
The proxy becomes digital, not the ballot
This is the central point. The new system allows MRE voters to create their proxy through a dedicated electronic platform, enter their personal and electoral details, identify the chosen proxy holder and generate the document digitally. That reduces administrative friction. But the ballot remains physical. In plain terms: the MRE completes the proxy online, but someone else still places the ballot in the box in Morocco. That is why describing the reform as “online voting” would be inaccurate. It is online proxy management, not e-voting.
The constitutional paradox
Article 17 of the Moroccan Constitution is central to the debate. It recognises Moroccans living abroad as full citizens, with electoral rights and eligibility. On principle, the message is clear:
an MRE is not a lesser political citizen.
Yet in practice, the exercise of that right remains different. A resident voter chooses personally and secretly in the polling booth. An MRE abroad must, unless physically present in Morocco, entrust the act to another person. Legally, that system has been validated. Politically, however, the distinction remains significant. The right is full. Its exercise is indirect.
The consulate still stops short of becoming a polling station
One of the biggest sources of confusion in the coming weeks is likely to concern consulates. Because MREs deal with diplomatic missions for many administrative matters, some may naturally assume they will be able to vote there. That is not what the 2026 mechanism provides. Consulates can inform voters and support administrative procedures.
But the legislative vote itself is not organised there. That matters because it preserves a very territorially anchored electoral model. The MRE remains attached to an electoral constituency in Morocco. There is no autonomous “diaspora electorate” voting physically abroad.
Why choose a proxy system rather than direct voting abroad?
From an administrative point of view, the choice is understandable. Organising polling stations across dozens of countries would require: reliable external electoral rolls; staff; ballot materials; secure transport; counting procedures; legal oversight; and a precise system linking voters abroad to constituencies in Morocco. Direct internet voting raises another set of problems: authentication; cybersecurity; secrecy of the ballot; auditability; and disputes over results. The proxy therefore represents a cautious compromise. The administration is digitised, while the ballot box remains traditional. This is institutionally conservative, but operationally easier.
The real democratic weakness: trust in the proxy holder
A proxy vote depends on confidence. The MRE can tell the proxy holder which list or candidate they want to support. But once the proxy holder enters the polling booth, the MRE cannot directly verify what happens without undermining the secrecy of the ballot.
That creates an unavoidable democratic asymmetry. The MRE has political intent. The proxy holder performs the physical act. This is why a modernised proxy system cannot be considered fully equivalent to direct voting. It facilitates participation. It does not completely personalise it.
MREs can also stand as candidates
The reform is not limited to voting. Moroccans living abroad can also stand for election under the conditions established by Moroccan electoral law. That confirms a fundamental principle: the diaspora is not only a reservoir of voters. It can also participate as candidates. But this leads to another structural issue.
There are still no dedicated parliamentary constituencies for the diaspora
Morocco has not created specific overseas constituencies for its diaspora. There is no equivalent of a “member of parliament for Moroccans in France” or “MP for Moroccans in Canada”. An MRE remains linked to a territorial constituency in Morocco. That distinguishes Morocco from countries that have created dedicated overseas representation. The difference matters.
A diaspora constituency tends to produce representatives focused on specific expatriate issues: consular services; cross-border taxation; retirement rights; education; property; investment; civil-status procedures; and relations with host countries. Without such constituencies, these issues must be carried through domestic Moroccan electoral districts and national party platforms.
A politically important diaspora, but an indirect electoral presence
Morocco has long treated its diaspora as strategically important. Economically, socially, culturally and diplomatically, MREs play a major role. But their electoral weight remains harder to measure. The electronic proxy could partially change that. If the new system is widely used, it may lower one of the barriers that has historically limited participation: administrative complexity. But the real test will come after September 23.
How many MREs will actually use the mechanism?
That number will matter more than political speeches. If participation remains low, the reasons will need to be examined: lack of information; insufficient registration; difficulty finding a trusted proxy holder; distance from political parties; or dissatisfaction with an indirect system. If participation rises significantly, the reform could be seen as a successful first step.
Electoral registration remains the first barrier
A proxy does not create voting rights for someone who is not already registered. This is crucial. Being Moroccan does not automatically mean being ready to vote. Being registered at a consulate does not automatically mean being registered on Morocco’s general electoral rolls. The voter must already exist in the electoral system. That means the debate about online participation should not obscure a more basic issue:
how many MREs are actually registered and eligible to use the new mechanism?
What the reform genuinely solves
The 2026 reform does solve several practical problems. It reduces paperwork. It limits the need for physical travel. It simplifies the establishment of proxies. It introduces digital verification. And it formally acknowledges the need to make participation easier for Moroccans abroad. These are meaningful improvements. They should not be dismissed. But neither should they be exaggerated.
What it does not solve
The reform does not allow an MRE to vote personally from abroad. It does not create legislative polling stations in consulates. It does not create direct electronic voting. It does not create diaspora-specific parliamentary constituencies. And it does not remove the need to trust a third party when the voter remains abroad. This is therefore primarily a reform of access, not yet a reform of representation.
Morocco’s choice: modernise without rebuilding the electoral architecture
The logic of the reform is becoming clear. Morocco is trying to bring the diaspora closer to the electoral process without creating a separate transnational electoral structure.
The MRE remains a voter tied to Moroccan territory. Technology shortens the administrative distance. It does not eliminate the political geography of the system. That choice can be defended in the name of institutional continuity, electoral security and caution.
It can also be criticised from the perspective of political equality, especially by those who believe every citizen should be able to cast their own ballot directly regardless of where they live. Both arguments deserve to be heard. The key question is therefore no longer whether the reform is useful. It clearly is. The question is:
is this the final model, or only an intermediate stage?
September 23 will be a political test, not just an administrative one
The election will do more than renew the 395 seats of the House of Representatives. It will also test whether Morocco can turn the constitutional recognition of its diaspora into measurable political participation.
If electronic proxy voting works smoothly, one old obstacle — bureaucracy — will be reduced. That will make the remaining barriers more visible: distance from parties; limited knowledge of local candidates; lack of diaspora-specific representation; and the question of whether entrusting one’s ballot to someone else still meets the expectations of a population that already manages banking, taxes, travel and many official procedures digitally.
Full citizenship, but still incomplete electoral autonomy
The 2026 reform should be judged for what it is: a concrete modernisation of political participation for Moroccans living abroad.
The electronic proxy makes the process easier and removes part of the administrative distance. But the limits remain equally clear. The MRE is recognised as a full voter. Yet if they remain abroad on September 23, they still do notcast the ballot personally. They delegate it.
Morocco has shortened the distance between the MRE and the electoral administration. It has not yet eliminated the distance between the MRE and the ballot box.
That may well become the next major debate. Not whether Moroccans abroad are full citizens. The Constitution already answers that. The deeper question is how to give that citizenship an electoral expression that is as direct in Montreal or Brussels as it is in Casablanca or Fez.
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